Redeemers: American Right

The American right has always been a complex and dynamic political force, with different ideological strands vying for influence within its ranks. However, in recent years, there has been a troubling trend that has emerged within the conservative movement, one that bears an uncomfortable resemblance to some of the ugliest political movements of the past. This trend mixes the worst features of post-Reconstruction “redeemers” with a distinctly inter-war European flavor, creating a toxic brew that no American should be comfortable with.

To understand this phenomenon, it’s worth examining some of the key historical contexts that inform it. The post-Reconstruction period in the United States was a time of great upheaval and change, as the country grappled with the aftermath of the Civil War and the end of slavery. In many southern states, white supremacist groups known as “redeemers” sought to restore white dominance over the newly freed black population. They used a variety of tactics, including voter suppression, violence, and the establishment of Jim Crow laws, to maintain their grip on power.

Meanwhile, in Europe during the inter-war period, a number of far-right political movements emerged in response to the upheaval caused by World War I and the Russian Revolution. These movements, which included fascist and Nazi parties, shared a number of common features, including ultra-nationalism, authoritarianism, and a willingness to use violence and intimidation to achieve their goals. They also espoused a toxic form of racial and ethnic supremacy, which led to the Holocaust and other atrocities during World War II.

Now, it may seem like a stretch to draw parallels between these historical contexts and the current American right. After all, the United States is a democracy, and we like to think that our political system is fundamentally different from the authoritarian regimes that emerged in Europe during the 20th century. However, there are some worrying signs that suggest that the American right is becoming infected with some of the worst aspects of these historical trends.

For example, there is a growing trend on the right to downplay or even deny the existence of systemic racism in the United States. This is often accompanied by efforts to restrict voting rights, which disproportionately affect people of color. These tactics are eerily reminiscent of the voter suppression and Jim Crow laws that were used by the redeemers in the post-Reconstruction South.

At the same time, there is a rising tide of white nationalism and xenophobia within the conservative movement. This is reflected in the popularity of figures like Steve Bannon, who has ties to far-right European movements, and the Proud Boys, a group that openly espouses white supremacist beliefs. These ideas are fundamentally at odds with the pluralistic, democratic ideals that have long been a hallmark of American politics.

It’s worth noting that not all conservatives are embracing these dangerous trends. There are many principled conservatives who reject racism, xenophobia, and authoritarianism, and who continue to fight for a more inclusive and democratic America. However, the fact that these trends are gaining traction within the conservative movement is deeply concerning, and should serve as a wake-up call to all Americans who value democracy, equality, and justice.In conclusion, the ugly blend of post-Reconstruction “redeemers” and inter-war European fascism that is taking hold on the American right is a deeply troubling development. It threatens to undermine the very foundations of our democracy, and to perpetuate the injustices and inequalities that have plagued our country for far too long. It is up to all of us, regardless of our political affiliations, to stand up to these dangerous trends and to work together to build a better, more just, and more inclusive America

Manufacturing Agnosis

This is precisely the obscene dialectic of ideology at its purest! Antistablishtan, much like Big Tobacco, thrives on the underside of belief—not a direct affirmation of an idea but the strategic injection of doubt to corrode the solidity of any competing narrative. It is not enough to sell a product; you must first create the void of trust, the epistemological vacuum where belief itself begins to falter.

This is the genius (and the perversion) of manufacturing agnosis. When you cannot control the “body of fact,” you erode the very foundation of fact itself. Big Tobacco, climate change denial, and, indeed, the Antistablishtan ethos all operate on the same cynical mechanism: they do not offer an alternative truth but instead destabilize the notion of truth as such. Doubt is not their weapon—it is their product. Controversy, far from being a side effect, is the essence of their strategy, for controversy is the engine of perpetual circulation in the ideological marketplace.

But here is where the pathology deepens: the self-loathing you describe is not merely an accident or an unintended side effect. It is a necessary component of the system. The subject of Antistablishtan—or Big Tobacco, or neoliberalism—is caught in what Lacan would call a double bind. On the one hand, you thrive because of the very subsidies, rent-seeking, and systemic distortions that you despise. On the other hand, this success feels like a betrayal of your own imagined autonomy, your fantasy of self-made authenticity. The result is an unbearable contradiction: you hate the system that sustains you, yet you cling to it, desiring its rewards even as you denounce them.

This contradiction is not merely personal; it is structural. It is the very same logic that underpins the obscene enjoyment of late capitalism. In a fair world, you say, you should not have been allowed to thrive. But this is precisely why the world cannot be fair. Fairness is unbearable because it would strip away the ideological fantasies that sustain the system’s suitors—the brass ring, the illusion of meritocracy, the belief that the emperor’s nakedness is merely a temporary illusion, a glitch to be rectified rather than the system’s foundational truth.

To put it bluntly, the self-loathing of the Antistablishtan subject is not a bug; it is a feature. It is the lubricating oil of the machine, the symptom that allows the system to reproduce itself. The system requires its subjects to feel ashamed of their privilege, not to dismantle it but to disavow it in a way that keeps the wheels turning. This is why the brass ring is so crucial—it offers the fantasy of redemption, the idea that success will one day justify itself retroactively. And yet, as you so astutely note, the suitors are as naked as the emperor they serve.

This nakedness, this obscene truth of the system, is both the source of its power and the cause of its eventual disintegration. The question is: will we continue to lounge for the brass ring, knowing it can never clothe us, or will we dare to step outside the system and expose its mechanisms for what they are? Or, as Zizek might quip, will we simply buy a new suit of ideological fabric, one that looks good enough on Instagram but still leaves us shivering in the cold?

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Obama Style:

“My fellow Americans,

Before we begin, I want to remind you of one thing: we are in this together. But as we move forward, we must recognize that not every promise can be fulfilled exactly as intended. Now, here’s the thing—by participating in this democracy, you agree to certain terms and conditions, which are necessary to keep things running smoothly. We have to be honest with each other. Not every plan will turn out the way we want it to, and sometimes progress takes time—more time than we’d like.

Now, let’s be clear: while our administration will work hard to achieve the goals we’ve laid out, there are no guarantees. We will do our best, but there are complexities beyond our control. You may not always see the changes right away, and sometimes you might not even feel them, but that doesn’t mean we’re not working on your behalf.

As citizens, you have a vital role to play, but your engagement doesn’t automatically mean every suggestion will be implemented. It’s important to understand that we will continue to make decisions based on the broader good—even if it’s not immediately obvious.

Let me be clear: if something doesn’t go according to plan, we cannot, and will not, be held liable for every unintended consequence. This is the reality of governance. We’re moving in the right direction, but change is hard.

So, as you go about your lives, trust in the system—trust that we are doing what we can. And together, if we stay patient and hopeful, we’ll get to where we need to go. Thank you, and God bless America.

Trump Style:

“Folks,

Let me tell you, nobody knows the system better than me. I know how it works, and it’s complicated, believe me. So, when you support us—and you do, in tremendous numbers—you agree to certain things. It’s all part of the deal, okay? And let me just say, it’s a great deal. But here’s the thing: we’re not responsible for everything. If something doesn’t go right, don’t blame us. We’re doing amazing things, but sometimes things happen. You all know that.

Now, we’re doing fantastic work, the best work. But no promises, okay? We’re going to try to fix things, but there’s a lot of mess left by the people before us. You understand that. And if things don’t go as planned—well, not my fault. Could be anyone’s fault, really, but not ours. You’ve seen the numbers, they’re incredible. Nobody’s done what we’re doing, but nobody can fix everything overnight. It takes time, folks, but we’re winning.

So, by being part of this country—the greatest country in the world—you agree that we can’t be blamed for everything. We’re doing our best, and it’s a great best, probably the greatest anyone’s ever seen. If things get tough, well, that’s just how it goes. We’ll figure it out, though. Don’t worry.

And believe me, if someone tries to tell you it’s not going well, they’re wrong. We’re making the best deals, the best moves. You’re gonna love it. But hey, if something goes sideways, you can’t come back and say we didn’t warn you. You agree to that, right? Believe me, it’s all under control. Thank you.”

Both versions carry the “terms of use” vibe but in the signature styles of Obama’s thoughtful, structured rhetoric and Trump’s confident, fast-paced delivery.