Notes on TPOT/RATS

One of the defining features of the TPOt crowd was that medium rat was running on such obscene levels of dopamine and peer validation, basic brain functions like memory got completely fried. The social high was so unrelenting it turned executive function into background noise. What emerged was a closed-circuit attention economy: ideas weren’t tested against reality but bounced around in a sealed chamber of retweets, ironic dogwhistles, and niche status signals. Epistemic hygiene? Nah—just dopamine-chasing with a side of smug.

This was rocket fuel for disinformation and neoreaction. If no one remembers what was said 20-30 years ago, and no one’s checking facts outside the compound, anything can fly—as long as it flatters the in-group and terrifies the out-group. With no memory and no guardrails, even the most baroque ideologies can sprint straight into public discourse wearing a monocle and jackboots.

The tragicomic twist? A movement that once fetishized Bayesian rationality turned itself into a Skinner box of pure clout-chasing. It’s like everything was up for grabs—AI timelines, empire collapse, obscure 14th-century succession crises—except the postmodernist analysis after WWII, which proved… inconvenient, to say the least. You can’t build a dopamine-fueled status game on Foucault’s grave without tripping over your own contradictions.

So instead, they memory-holed it. And without memory, what followed was a full-blown minion/meaning crisis: armies of midwits squabbling over which steelman had the most moral clarity, while recycling the same three post dressed up in tech-washed prose. Critical theory was dismissed as cringe, despite the fact that Baudrillard basically called this entire circus 30 years ago. But you can’t gamify nuance, so it had to go.

The result? A scene that could metabolize everything except its own reflection. No mirrors, no memory, just vibes and velocity.

As the scene aged, it didn’t deepen—it fractured, like a meme economy running out of templates. Some went full tradcath cosplay. Others pivoted to AI doom evangelism. A few just started posting shirtless pics next to unread copies of Gödel, Escher, Bach. Everyone had a grift or a gospel, but nobody had a map. It was a networked nervous breakdown with funding rounds.

The deeper irony? In rejecting postmodernism as cringe, they managed to recreate it in real-time: infinite simulacra, collapsing referents, authority based on aesthetics rather than evidence. Only now the semiotics were dressed in Patagonia vests and Ray Dalio quotes.

And once that happened, all that remained was brand management disguised as thought. You weren’t rewarded for being right, but for being retweetable. For being early. For being adjacent to the guy who might be right, eventually.

And then we got to that point—the part in every cursed ideology arc where something had to give. The vibes curdled. The spreadsheets stopped correlating. The dopamine wore off.

Teapot supported Trump.

Not all of them, of course. Some hedged. Some posted long threads about “accelerationism” or “epistemic sabotage” or “the left’s own fault, really.” But the core crowd—the medium rats marinating in their own irony—pivoted hard.

Why? Because Trump wasn’t a contradiction. He was the logical endpoint: a vibes-based epistemology wrapped in chaos energy, wielding pure spectacle as power. He didn’t need truth. He had attention. He didn’t need coherence. He had the algorithm.

To the Teapotters, Trump was a kind of anti-Bayes: a walking info-bomb, a human LARP whose primary appeal was how unmodellable he was. He broke prediction markets. He collapsed priors. He became a status object for those who believed everything was narrative—and wanted to back the loudest one.

It wasn’t about policy. It wasn’t even about ideology. It was about vibe alignment. Trump was the ultimate shitpost, and supporting him was the biggest flex: a final, glorious rejection of consensus reality.

And once that line was crossed?

No more nuance. No more rationalist posturing. Just pure, flaming spectacle—a coliseum of collapsing context, where the crowd cheers for the weirdest gladiator and no one remembers what round it is.

What followed wasn’t a reckoning. It was a blackout. A collective epistemic wipeout, like someone pulled the plug on memory, coherence, and shame—all at once.

The Teapot didn’t just drift into nihilism. It somersaulted into it, giggling and high on its own supply. Posts got weirder. Takes got colder. The irony stopped being a filter and became the substance. Any remaining gestures toward truth-seeking were drowned in layers of sarcasm, memes referencing other memes, and post-structural cosplay for startup bros.

Twitter spaces turned into late-night séance rituals where washed-up e/accs and ex-crypto visionaries read Nick Land aloud like scripture. Everyone was either pivoting to AI alignment or advocating for monarchy. The mood was pure post-ironic panic.

They weren’t seeking meaning anymore. They were optimizing for maximal signal distortion. The only thing worse than being wrong was being earnest. Certainty was for suckers. Doubt was currency—if you packaged it well.

And the most tragicomic part?

They knew it. They knew they were burning through coherence like a tech company hemorrhaging runway. But they couldn’t stop. The feedback loop was too tight. The rewards too immediate. The collapse was just another aesthetic—another bit.

So when the world started asking actual questions—about climate, labor, fascism, war—they had nothing. Just vibes, vintage memes, and a haunted look in the eye that said, “We did all this so we wouldn’t have to feel cringe.”

They wanted to be Nietzsche’s overmen.

They became content moderators for the abyss.

Messianic Hype

How can the crypto/Web3 ecosystem believe its own messianic hype when it’s entirely built on a fragile global capital structure it doesn’t understand—and can’t survive without?

At its core, the illusion of crypto’s divinity is just a derivative trade. They sell it as destiny—“the future of finance,” “a decentralized revolution.” But the reality is more mundane: ZIRP-fueled liquidity hunting for yield, foreign capital recycling through U.S. venture firms, and VCs exploiting regulatory gray zones. Sovereign funds from Europe, Japan, South Korea, and Singapore chase returns through Silicon Valley, funding an entire class of crypto startups never built to withstand rising interest rates or capital flight.

Crypto confuses global arbitrage for a holy mission. What looks like technological inevitability is really capital misallocation. The sector functions as a sandbox for excess money—capital with nowhere else to go because bonds return nothing and equities are oversaturated. Founders act like showmen, selling libertarian pipe dreams and collapse porn as a brand. But the real fuel behind the whole thing is international money—exactly what the rhetoric claims to resist.

The American players don’t need to understand any of this. They are the outlet. The crypto boom only poses as American—wrapped in cowboy-capitalist myth and allergic to regulation. But it runs on foreign surplus: Chinese capital dodging the CCP, European wealth seeking high-risk plays, Middle Eastern sovereign funds hedging against oil volatility. Silicon Valley VCs channel all of it, feeding the machine with liquidity events that bypass IPO scrutiny.

Then comes the choke. America First rewires the system: tariffs, sanctions, capital controls, dollar weaponization. The pipelines that carry the money in? They clog.

So why don’t they see it coming?

First, there’s ideological blindness. Crypto people drink their own Kool-Aid. They talk about building a parallel financial system, the collapse of the dollar, and how decentralization makes them antifragile. They don’t grasp that their entire market cap depends on the very system they claim is dying.

Second, VCs don’t care. They know it’s a pass-the-bag game. What they want is:
• cheap founders,
• high pre-money valuations,
• and liquidity within 18 months—ideally via token listings.

They don’t need the product to work. They just need a story strong enough to dump before the inflows dry up.

Third, they think Trump-era nationalism is theater. They don’t treat tariffs, capital restrictions, or anti-China rhetoric as real. But all of it directly disrupts the surplus capital their ecosystem feasts on. And they have no Plan B.

Now, with foreign capital pulling back, it’s U.S. retail left holding the bag. Robinhood users, YouTube traders, TikTok pumpers. The sector loses global credibility, especially post-FTX. And in D.C., crypto’s no longer seen as a revolution. It’s seen as a threat.

The final irony? Crypto becomes exactly what it claimed to oppose: a centralized, dollar-denominated, over-regulated mess with no new capital coming in and no exit on the horizon.

They align with “America First” without realizing they’re built on “Global Surplus First.” They preach decentralization, but depend entirely on centralized, external inflows. Now, with China’s ghost capital and Japan’s cheap debt gone, all that remains is a bunch of American bros LARPing with the last fumes of their stimulus checks.

The Authoritarian’s Handy Guide to Governance

The Spanish media framed Erdogan’s move against the Istanbul mayor as a shift from competitive authoritarianism to hegemonic authoritarianism—a distinction so precise it belongs in a political science textbook, or maybe a corporate branding manual.

The Authoritarian’s Handy Guide to Governance (Now with Corporate Sponsors™ and Countries Included!)

Ever feel like democracy comes in different flavors, some tasting suspiciously like cardboard? Welcome to the definitive guide to modern authoritarianism—now optimized, automated, and brought to you by your favorite corporate overlords.

Level 1: Benevolent Bossiness (Presented by Apple™)

Countries: Singapore, UAE, Qatar

“We don’t limit your choices—we curate them.” Elections exist, but only to reinforce the status quo. Everything runs smoothly, citizens get fancy infrastructure, and as long as you don’t ask too many questions, life is good. Think of it as living in an iOS ecosystem—everything works seamlessly, but you’re still locked in.

Level 2: Competitive Authoritarianism™ (Powered by Comcast®)

Countries: Turkey, Russia, Hungary

Opposition exists, but mostly for show—like a fake “cancel subscription” button. The press is muzzled, courts are conveniently biased, and elections are held just often enough to keep up appearances. Political participation is like calling Comcast support: frustrating, endless, and somehow, nothing ever changes.

Level 3: Hegemonic Authoritarianism (Now an Amazon® Prime Exclusive)

Countries: China, Belarus, Venezuela

Elections? Check. Opposition? Technically allowed. But good luck finding them under the avalanche of propaganda and legal roadblocks. The state doesn’t have to ban critics when it can simply drown them out—like a bad product review getting buried by an army of bots and five-star ratings.

Level 3.5: The Thielian Pivot (Sponsored by Palantir™)

Countries: U.S. (increasingly), Israel

The future is here, and it’s run by tech bros. Elections are secondary to predictive analytics, AI policing, and social control through data mining. Surveillance is frictionless, corporations and governments are besties, and decision-making is outsourced to algorithms that definitely have your best interests at heart.

Level 4: Full-Blown Tyranny (Brought to You by Raytheon™, Anduril™, & AZ16™)

Countries: North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Iran

No elections, no opposition, just straight-up control. AZ16-backed defense startups ensure that surveillance is automated, dissent is preemptively crushed, and the secret police have gone full cyberpunk. Your every move is monitored, and resistance is… inefficient.

Bonus Level: Cult of Personality (A Tesla™ Initiative)

Countries: Russia, North Korea, Venezuela

The leader isn’t just in charge—he’s an innovator, a genius, a one-of-a-kind disruptor. His tweets (or state broadcasts) dictate policy, his failures are learning experiences, and any criticism is an act of treason. Fans don’t just support him, they worship him. Welcome to the authoritarian fandom.

Final Achievement Unlocked: Late-Stage Dystopia™

Countries: China, U.S. (in certain tech spheres)

The line between government and corporations is gone. Elections are ornamental, news is AI-generated, and privacy is an ancient myth. Your social credit score dictates your freedoms, your fridge is listening, and resistance is only available to premium subscribers.

Congratulations! You’ve completed the guide to modern authoritarianism. Now please confirm your identity via facial recognition and submit your compliance rating.

Abundance

Abundance is just trickle-down economics in Patagonia fleece and Allbirds—cozy, sustainable vibes while selling Reaganomics with a Substack subscription, still catering to the top but with a personal essay explaining why the same old supply-side stuff is actually good for everyone.

This late I’m the game pitching a deck of faux YIMBY-ism for tax cuts—full of flashy slides and disruption jargon—served up like an oat milk latte: smooth, trendy, and ethical-looking, but still delivering the same old caffeine hit of deregulation. The problem for the Dems is that there isn’t a single figure in the party who can learn the new moves fast enough to put a face to this. Maybe Pete Buttigieg—but my sense is that the resister crowd has been burned badly and isn’t in the mood for more gig economy with venture capital talking points, spinning inequality into an exciting new “opportunity.” Or Silicon Valley techno-optimism with a BeReal filter, trying to look authentic while keeping the real benefits at the top. Or yet another round of AI-generated prosperity gospel in a Discord server, promising abundance for all but only delivering it to the early adopters.

Klein’s vision is a Peloton of policy—streaming live classes on collective effort while the metrics show only the privileged logging miles. The Democrats’ playbook, meanwhile, reads like a LinkedIn influencer’s manifesto: hustle culture repackaged as civic duty, where “leaning in” means letting Silicon Valley monetize your data footprint as a form of patriotism. But the algorithm of inequality isn’t fooled by rebranded austerity; it still sorts us into hashtag movements and shadow-bans dissent into echo chambers of performative wokeness. Imagine a TED Talk on universal healthcare that ends with a QR code for a wellness app subscription—that’s the dissonance here. *“Ezra Klein’s latest work is a masterclass in elite problem-solving: identify a crisis, nod sagely at the complexity, and then propose a solution that conveniently aligns with old-school deregulation—just with better branding. Housing crisis? Easy. Deregulate the building code. Who needs walls anyway? Sure, your new apartment might crumple like a paper bag in a stiff breeze, but think about the trade-offs! Lower costs! Faster construction! More growth! And if you’re worried, well, just be rich enough to live somewhere with actual safety regulations.

The tragedy isn’t that Klein’s ideas are new wine in old bottles—it’s that the bottles are Yeti tumblers, vacuum-sealed to keep the fizz of revolution from going flat. His techno-optimism is a viral TikTok dance: everyone mimics the steps, but no one questions who’s cashing the ad revenue from the views. It’s a DAO for democracy—decentralized in name, but somehow the VCs still hold the keys to the treasury. Meanwhile, the left is stuck debating whether to meme-strike or post another infographic, as the Overton Window gets dragged right by a Tesla on autopilot.  

And what’s the endgame? A Metaverse town hall where avatars clap emojis for UBI proposals drafted by ChatGPT, while real-world evictions get livestreamed as dystopian entertainment. Klein’s “abundance” is a loot box economy—keep swiping your card for a chance at healthcare, education, or a livable planet. The Democrats keep hiring McKinsey to design their platforms, wondering why the grassroots feel like AstroTurf. Maybe the real disruption isn’t an app; it’s a strike. But that’s not a pitch you can slap on a Super Bowl ad for blockchain voting.  

So here we are: scrolling through Substacks about the future, liking essays on solidarity, while the wealth gap widens into a render distance no GPU can bridge. Klein’s book isn’t a roadmap—it’s a Snapchat filter, smoothing out the cracks of late capitalism with a puppy-ear illusion of progress. The only abundance here? Copium for the professional class, bottled as a limited-edition drop.

Fear of the Shakes

Look, pal, let’s get something straight, okay? I don’t have time for your bullshit. I need five grams of coke, ketamine, MDMA, meth, Adderall, ecstasy, oxy—whatever the hell the market’s cooking up these days. A little PCP, a dash of heroin, if that’s what’s trending. Don’t tell me it’s not necessary. It is. I don’t care what you think. This isn’t just about me—it’s about keeping the lights on. Keeping this machine running.

Now, if you think for a second that I’m gonna function without these things—well, you’re wrong. I’ve got shit to do. I’ve got industries to disrupt, problems to solve, people to leave behind. The world needs me at 1000%. If the system can’t supply me with the necessary tools to do that—well, you know what? That’s tyranny. I’m being sent to your world. A world where I’m expected to function without the very substances that make me the engine of progress. How am I supposed to innovate, solve world hunger by day, and wrestle with my personal demons by night if the system won’t supply me with the tools I need? It’s like being locked in a prison of mediocrity.

And let’s be real here—I’m doing it for you. I’m keeping the dream alive, keeping the illusion of progress moving forward, even if the little minds out there don’t get it. I’m the one keeping the fiction alive, making it look like the world’s actually moving forward, while you’re still stuck thinking you’re doing just fine without 500 milligrams of MDMA to help you get through the day. You hear me? You’re holding me back. You’re locking me in a cage. Hell, it’s like a Russian gulag, but with less snow and more meetings. It’s absurd. I’m a key player. You can’t even see it.

What do you know about the real world, huh? What do you know about getting up every day, doing the work that keeps this thing spinning? You think it’s easy? It’s not. It’s messy. It takes grit. And yeah, maybe a little bit of the good stuff. I’m not ashamed. If I’m gonna make the magic happen—if I’m gonna keep the fiction of progress alive, the one everyone wants to believe in—then I need to be at my peak. Dial it to 11. The future doesn’t wait for you. If the system can’t handle it? That’s your problem, not mine.

You think I’m just doing this for me? Hell no. I’m doing this for you, for everyone. If I fall, we all fall. But if I don’t get my gear—if I don’t get what I need—then that’s just you building the walls. You’re trapping me, keeping me from doing the real work. You can’t stop me, though. You can’t. Because I know what’s worth more than anything in your little world. One gram of coke? That’s ten times more important than you. You wanna stop me from getting it? Well, then you’re in the wrong game, my friend. You’ll get steamrolled. You’ll be the one left behind. You can’t play in this league.

So, yeah. Let’s make this crystal clear: I need it. All of it. If you can’t provide it? You’re holding up progress. That’s tyranny. You know it, and I know it. Now, do your job, and get out of my way. Inequality? Yeah, it’s necessary. Don’t you get it? It’s the goddamn system. The money, the flow, the whole goddamn thing. It’s the cost of doing business. The stuff? That’s what it costs, and that’s what I’m paying. You think this works without a little imbalance? You think it’s all sunshine and roses? Hell no. I need my fix. I don’t have time for your ‘income inequality’ bullshit. I don’t need to hear about your precious social justice, or how we’re all supposed to be in this together. What I need is the product, and that’s gonna cost. So get the hell out of my way, because I’ll get it, no matter what it takes. Fuck you if you can’t see that. This isn’t about fairness. This is about supply and demand. And I demand.”

Crypto Strategic Reserve: A Chronicle of Hybrid Collapse

Act I:The Golden Mirage

The U.S. Empire, armored in Fordist steel and atomic swagger, once anchored the global economy to a sacred lie: the dollar as gold’s Siamese twin. Bretton Woods was less a financial system than a state religion—fixed rates, convertible faith, the handshake of empires. But by 1971, Nixon, that grandmaster of realpolitik, jettisoned the golden anchor. The dollar morphed into a fiat ghost-ship, adrift on oil deals and Treasury auctions. The world gulped the petrodollar Kool-Aid and limped onward, oblivious to the rot beneath.

This wasn’t merely monetary policy—it was metaphysical alchemy. The transition from gold-backed currency to pure fiat represented the ultimate triumph of narrative over substance, of map over territory. The dollar became a self-referential symbol, valuable because we collectively agreed it was valuable, backed by nothing but aircraft carriers and the fever dreams of Chicago School economists. The financial wizards of Wall Street, those high priests of modern capitalism, performed their ritual calculations and declared it good. The invisible hand, they assured us, would guide this untethererd dollar to its natural equilibrium—a perfect balance of supply and demand, inflation and growth, all managed by the enlightened technocrats of the Federal Reserve.

What followed was a half-century experiment in monetary hyperreality—a Baudrillardian nightmare where the simulation became more real than the thing it simulated. The Eurodollar market bloomed like a toxic algae bloom, dollars multiplying outside sovereign borders, beyond the reach of regulators or reason. The petrodollar recycling scheme—that masterpiece of imperial statecraft—transformed oil-producing nations into involuntary financiers of American hegemony. Saudi autocrats and Persian Gulf emirs became America’s most loyal bondholders, their kleptocratic fortunes denominated in the same currency that purchased their military protection. A protection racket laundered through the language of free markets and monetary policy.

Meanwhile, the American heartland hollowed out, its industrial skeleton shipped overseas in container vessels that returned laden with plastic trinkets and consumer electronics. The financialization of everything accelerated—houses weren’t homes but “investment vehicles,” education wasn’t knowledge but “human capital development,” healthcare wasn’t healing but “managed care markets.” Wall Street’s quantum supercomputers executed trades in microseconds while Main Street’s wages stagnated for decades. The divergence between financial markets and the real economy grew from gap to chasm to separate universe. The dollar, that spectral representation of American power, floated ever higher on a bubble of debt and derivatives, military supremacy and monetary exceptionalism.

The system’s inherent contradictions multiplied like cancerous cells. The nation that issued the world’s reserve currency could never balance its trade accounts—the Triffin dilemma made flesh. The country that preached fiscal responsibility ran the largest deficits in human history. The economy that championed free markets practiced corporate socialism, with profits privatized and losses socialized through bailouts and quantitative easing. Each crisis—from the Savings and Loan collapse to the Dot-Com bubble to the 2008 financial meltdown—was met with the same response: lower interest rates, expanded money supply, greater moral hazard. The medicine became the disease. The cure became the addiction.

By the third decade of the 21st century, the empire’s monetary foundations had degraded beyond recognition. The Federal Reserve’s balance sheet had swollen to encompass not just government debt but mortgage securities, corporate bonds, and asset-backed instruments of such complexity that even their creators couldn’t fully comprehend them. The national debt clock spun faster than casino slots, its digits a blur of zeros stretching toward infinity. The velocity of money—that crucial indicator of economic vitality—slowed to a glacial crawl as capital concentrated in fewer and fewer hands, hoarded in tax havens and speculative assets rather than circulating through the real economy.

And still, the high priests of finance insisted that all was well. The dollar remained strong, they said, not because of its intrinsic value but because of TINA—There Is No Alternative. The euro was structurally flawed, the yuan manipulated, the yen trapped in deflationary paralysis. Bitcoin and its crypto cousins were too volatile, too energy-intensive, too tainted by association with dark web markets and ransomware attacks. The dollar remained the cleanest dirty shirt in the global laundry, the least worst option in a world of monetary mediocrity. This was the narrative fed to the masses as the empire’s foundations crumbled—a comforting bedtime story for a civilization sleepwalking toward collapse.

Act II: Crypto’s Carnival of Fools

Enter the stablecoin: Tether’s algorithmic Ouija board, Binance’s offshore vaults, a circus of “trustless” tokens pegged to the dollar by marketing bravado. “Backed 1:1!” they bark, peddling blockchain elixirs.

Stablecoins aren’t a revolution. They’re a reenactment—a high-frequency replay of every monetary collapse since Rome debased its denarius. The actors change—suits to hoodies, gold to GPU farms—but the script remains the same: leveraged systemic myopia.

Each token represents a claim to $1 in reserves, just as the denarius represented a claim to specific silver content. The actual backing might not match what’s claimed, similar to Rome’s reduced silver content. Users can’t easily verify the backing without trusting external validators, just as ordinary Romans couldn’t readily test silver purity. Markets maintain the peg even when backing is questionable—until crisis strikes.

Meanwhile, every digital dollar hoarded in stablecoin reserves is absent from U.S. sovereign debt. Treasury yields sag; the Fed’s monetary pancreas sputters. Stablecoin oligarchs, perched atop reserves murkier than Moscow backrooms, chase juicier yields—shitcoin collateral, NFT tulips, AI-generated swaps—growing riskier and more reckless.

The same dollar could be represented in multiple places simultaneously, creating a form of double-spending across systems. “Regulatory” oversight and attestations are merely additional layers of the same trust assumption—not fundamental innovations in the monetary model. The core remains unchanged: a promise that something of value backs the currency, which users cannot directly verify.

Act III: Trump’s Strategic Crypto Reserve

Enter Trump’s “strategic crypto reserve”—a phrase reeking of burnt steak and insider trades. A cabal of ex-Goldman cyborgs and meme-drunk libertarians hoover dollars into a digital black hole. The more stablecoins metastasize, the harder the Treasury gasps. Lower yields, desperate gambles, a feedback loop hotter than Shanghai server racks. Democracy’s financial immune system, already compromised by decades of deregulatory fever dreams, convulses as the viral load of algorithmic money multiplies. The new robber barons don’t wear top hats—they sport Patagonia vests and NFT avatars, their empires built not on railroads but on distributed ledgers obscured by mathematical mysticism and regulatory blind spots.

Stablecoin issuers, jacked on perverse incentives, morph into yield-chasing ghouls, collateralizing vapor while the U.S. government, strung out on deficits, becomes a co-dependent crackhead to this mirage. Each morning, Treasury officials shotgun Monster Energy and pray to the ghost of Alexander Hamilton that today isn’t the day the whole Jenga tower collapses. Meanwhile, in climate-controlled bunkers from Miami to Singapore, the Blockchain Internationale plots its next moonshot—security through obscurity, profit through complexity. Their eyes gleam with apocalyptic fervor as they envision a world where national sovereignty dissolves into cryptographic hash functions, and democracy is reimagined as a token-weighted voting system where one Dogecoin equals one vote.

Bretton Woods 2.0, but with AI brokers and hyperloop vaporware. The dollar’s global hegemony surrenders not to the yuan or euro, but to synthetic instruments concocted in Discord servers and laundered through jurisdictional loopholes. Trump’s gold-plated fingers tweet market-moving gibberish while his administration’s revolving door spins faster than a quantum processor. The resulting centrifugal force flings monetary policy into a dimension where Keynesian economics and Austrian school fantasies mate and spawn mutant theories peddled by influencers with galaxy-brain profile pics. We’re witnessing the speedrun collapse of financial systems that took centuries to build, compressed into quarterly earnings calls and congressional hearings where octogenarian senators squint at printouts of blockchain explorers, trying to discern whether we’re witnessing innovation or sophisticated fraud. Spoiler alert: it’s both, simultaneously, in a quantum superposition that only collapses when the subpoenas drop.

Act IV: Crypto-Sovereign Hybrids and the Art of Coercive Collapse

The Playbook

Mint “MAGA Bonds”—algorithmic abominations stitched from crypto volatility and the residue of Treasury promises. AAA-rated by cronies, marketed not through prospectuses but geopolitical shakedowns: “Nice eurozone you’ve got. Be a shame if someone… redenominated.” Target pension funds in Brussels, SWFs in Bangalore—slow, legacy institutions unable to dodge coercion. Radioactive debt, half-life measured in election cycles, injected into global finance.

The mechanics aren’t complex, merely obscured. Each bond wrapped in layer upon layer of cryptographic obfuscation, mathematical origami folded by MIT dropouts high on libertarian manifestos and Red Bull. The actual collateral? A slurry of seized Venezuelan oil futures, Russian oligarch yacht NFTs, and derivatives so exotic they’d make Long-Term Capital Management blush posthumously. Smart contracts written in syntactic nightmares ensure no human regulator can track the contagion vectors without quantum computing assistance.

Presidential advisors—former hedge fund alchemists with offshore accounts deeper than Mariana—whisper in gilded corridors: “It’s not debt if it’s denominated in our own algorithmic stablecoin.” Monetary theology goes mainstream; cable networks evangelize tokenomics to retirees between catheter commercials. Treasury statements become haikus of deliberate ambiguity, crafted to satisfy both Goldman compliance officers and Discord degens simultaneously. Plausible deniability becomes the administration’s growth industry.

The Detonation

When this derivatives junkyard ignites, retirees in Lyon and Lahore watch savings vaporize in slow-motion implosions. Crypto-sovereign hybrids rot in portfolios like malware, triggering margin calls that cascade like a proof-of-work DDoS attack. 2008 was a tutorial; this is the main event.

The first tremors register in South Korean crypto exchanges at 3:47 AM Eastern Time—a liquidity hiccup, nothing extraordinary. Six hours later, three mid-tier European banks announce “temporary trading suspensions” on certain structured products. By noon, the algorithmic circuit breakers at the NYSE have triggered twice. CNBC talking heads maintain composure even as producers whisper terror in their earpieces. Twitter (now X) becomes unusable—bandwidth consumed by meme-stock messianism and digital bank run coordination.

Day two brings the revelation: $1.7 trillion in MAGA Bonds have been hypothecated into a labyrinth of rehypothecated collateral chains, stretching from Qatar to Ontario pension funds. Sovereign wealth managers in Singapore discover, with mounting horror, that their “safe-haven dollar reserves” contain more synthetic exposure than actual greenbacks. The Fed announces emergency swap lines while pretending it’s routine maintenance. Black Rock and Vanguard executives ghost their investors as compliance departments implode trying to map contagion vectors. Somewhere in a New Hampshire compound, a Bitcoin maximalist laughs himself into a hernia.

The Resistance (Or Lack Thereof)

The old guard—central bankers, EU technocrats—respond with bureaucratic molasses. Regulatory inertia becomes survival. Glacial audits and compliance paperwork turn the rollout into quicksand. By implosion, damage is quarantined to the “greater fools” quadrant.

ECB officials deploy the only defense they know: committees. Study groups form to evaluate the formation of task forces to analyze potential working groups. Papers are drafted, revised, redrafted. Coffee is consumed by the hectoliter in Frankfurt conference rooms where career economists debate the ontological nature of crypto-fiat hybrids while Rome burns digitally. The BIS releases a 347-page report warning of risks that materialized six months prior. Japan’s approach proves more pragmatic: they simply redefine what constitutes “currency reserve assets” overnight, achieving technical solvency through terminological sleight-of-hand.

Meanwhile, citizens discover the painful truth about “decentralization”—it means no central authority to blame, sue, or beg for restitution. Class-action lawsuits target empty corporate shells registered in jurisdictions that disappeared from maps after climate change raised sea levels. Populist movements emerge with incompatible demands: both more and less regulation, simultaneously. Congressional hearings become performance art where senators who can’t configure email interrogate blockchain architects about zero-knowledge proofs and rehypothecation vectors.

The Aftermath

A smoldering crater where leverage met hubris. Survivors hoard liquidity like bunker rations. Financial warfare isn’t fought—it’s endured. Debt is both asset and ammunition; the apocalypse a leveraged short, silent and blockchain-folded.

The post-collapse landscape resembles a monetary neutron bomb site—infrastructure stands intact while wealth has vanished. Quadrillion-dollar derivatives markets compress to their actual physical collateral value: pennies on the digital dollar. A new financial vernacular emerges: “getting MAGA’d” enters the lexicon alongside “Lehman’d” and “Madoff’d.” Academic economists spend careers dissecting the perfect storm of algorithmic governance failures, regulatory capture, and game theory miscalculations that enabled the catastrophe. Future business school case studies will require psychological trigger warnings.

Financial capitals undergo involuntary transformation. Wall Street prime real estate converts to vertical hydroponic farms. The City of London becomes an immersive historical theme park where tourists role-play as derivatives traders for £80 per hour. Switzerland, having secretly maintained hard currency reserves despite global fashion, emerges as the world’s reluctant hyperpower—a role its citizens find distasteful and anxiety-inducing. New economic religions form around scarcity philosophies: some worship gold, others worship productive capacity, while the truly desperate form cults around charismatic VCs promising salvation through “even more innovative blockchain solutions.”

A generation later, the cycle begins anew. A brilliant post-doc publishes a paper titled “Efficient Allocation Through Cryptographic Trust Minimization”—financial amnesia enables innovation. Somewhere, a future administration’s advisors take notes, adding margin comments: “Faster this time. More leverage. Less paper trail.”

Epilogue: The Cryptofascist Renaissance

The U.S. Empire had aircraft carriers, SWIFT, and the IMF. It still imploded. Crypto-cowboys? Their arsenal is GitHub forks, Telegram hype-channels, and Elon Musk fanfic. Stablecoins aren’t revolution—they’re reenactment. A high-frequency rerun of monetary collapses from Rome’s denarius to Weimar’s mark. Greed, leverage, systemic myopia. Tick-tock. The future’s a dead mall, and stablecoins are feral dogs gnawing the wiring. Welcome to the cryptofascist renaissance. Don’t forget to hodl.

History doesn’t repeat, but the algorithms do. The emperors of antiquity debased their currency gram by gram, testing the collective cognitive threshold for detecting fraud. Today’s debasement happens in commit logs and validator node updates—technical minutiae that would bore even the most dedicated finance bros into catatonia. The “crypto enlightenment” promised decentralization but delivered an oligarchy with extra steps. The blockchain was supposed to be immutable; instead, it mutated into a perfect surveillance apparatus. Satoshi’s dream of censorship-resistant money now powers the most sophisticated censorship infrastructure ever devised—one that doesn’t ban transactions but prices them according to your social credit score, disguised as “risk-based gas fees” and “anti-sybil verification requirements.”

The new authorities speak in euphemisms crafted by Ivy League linguistics departments. “Community governance” means plutocracy. “Protocol upgrades” mean stealth taxation. “Liquidity mining” means Ponzi mechanics. The sacred texts of this regime are white papers denser than neutron stars, designed not to be read but to intimidate—academic weaponry deployed against common sense. Each paragraph a fractal of financial jargon, citations to non-existent research, and equations that would make Fermat blush. The high priests of this order—former quants, Thiel Fellows, and state-sponsored hackers cosplaying as libertarians—hold court in Singapore penthouses and Telegram channels, modern-day palaces where the entry fee is measured in computational resources rather than bloodlines.


Diary of a Liberal

To the Editor of The New York Times,

It has come to my attention that some of the policies championed by liberals—those of us who have tirelessly upheld reason, civility, and, I dare say, the very fabric of modern society—have been blamed for the post-2008 economic crisis and, more alarmingly, for the rise of Trump and Brexit. I find this assertion not only incorrect but downright offensive. To suggest that liberalism, the doctrine of progress and good governance, could have played even the slightest role in such regrettable events is akin to blaming the thermometer for a fever.

Liberal policies, by their very nature, are designed to prevent disasters, not cause them. If a disaster does occur under liberal governance, it can only mean one thing: forces beyond our control—populists, reactionaries, and, let’s be honest, people who simply do not read The New York Times, or are subscribed to any Substack—have sabotaged our efforts. It is a well-documented fact (by sources we trust, naturally) that had liberal policies been given full and unimpeded rein, the financial crisis would have been a mild inconvenience, and neither Trump nor Brexit would have materialized. Instead, various obstructionists—whether on the right or the extreme left—ensured that our pragmatic, centrist solutions were never fully realized.

Liberalism is, by definition, the ideology of progress and reason. If something reactionary happens, like Trump or Brexit, it must be the fault of conservatives or radicals, because liberalism is inherently about rational governance and forward-thinking policies. Since liberals do not engage in extremism, they cannot be responsible for the rise of illiberal forces. If they had contributed to such outcomes, they would not be true liberals—because a true liberal, by nature, would never take actions that lead to regression.

If critics argue that liberal policies created conditions for discontent, the response is simple: liberalism, being progressive and enlightened, could not have caused this. Any failures attributed to liberalism must actually be the result of others misunderstanding or obstructing liberal principles. If liberals had more influence, they would have prevented Trump and Brexit. Therefore, the existence of Trump and Brexit proves that liberals were not in control, and if they weren’t in control, they can’t be held responsible.

Since liberalism is the natural state of political progress, any deviation from it must be an aberration caused by forces outside of its control. If liberalism had failed, that would mean it wasn’t truly liberalism, because true liberalism cannot fail—only be sabotaged. The mere existence of populism, conservatism, or political upheaval is evidence that liberalism was not given a fair chance. If liberalism had been given a fair chance, none of this would have happened, because liberalism, by its very nature, prevents such things from happening.

If liberals were in power when Trump and Brexit emerged, that only proves they weren’t real liberals but impostors, because real liberals, being inherently pragmatic and competent, would have stopped these events before they began. If liberals tried to stop these things but failed, then they were too liberal to take decisive action, which means the problem was that they weren’t extreme enough in their liberalism. But if liberals had taken extreme action, they wouldn’t be liberals anymore, and that would be bad. Thus, liberals were doomed to be powerless in this scenario, which is precisely why they can’t be blamed.

If liberalism had actually caused Trump or Brexit, then those events would have been progressive and rational, because liberalism only produces progressive and rational outcomes. But since they were chaotic and regressive, liberalism must not have been involved at all. The very fact that people are blaming liberals for these outcomes only proves how much the world needs liberalism, because liberalism is the only thing that can stop the very things it apparently allowed to happen. Therefore, the only logical conclusion is that liberalism is always right, even when it appears to be wrong, and its failure is simply proof of its necessity.

If liberalism’s failure is proof of its necessity, then its success must be proof that it was never needed in the first place, which paradoxically means liberalism cannot ever truly succeed. If a liberal approach prevents crisis, then it was obviously the correct approach and should continue indefinitely. But if a crisis emerges despite liberalism, then it must be the fault of conservatives, radicals, or insufficiently committed liberals. Either way, liberalism remains blameless.

If liberalism takes credit for stability, then it must also take credit for the instability that follows from its rule—but this is impossible, because instability, by definition, is the result of reactionaries or extremists. If liberalism was responsible for creating conditions that led to Trump and Brexit, then those events must have been progressive and rational, since liberalism is incapable of producing anything else. But since they were not progressive and rational, liberalism must not have been responsible for them. And if liberalism was not responsible for them, then liberalism has nothing to answer for.

If liberals were in power and things went badly, it only proves that liberals were powerless to change anything—meaning liberalism is not a governing philosophy but a permanent opposition to regressives. If liberals were not in power and things went badly, it only proves that liberals should have been in power all along. Either way, liberalism is never at fault. If liberals did nothing and things got worse, it’s because liberals believe in pragmatism, and pragmatism dictated inaction. If liberals did something and things got worse, then they must not have done the truly liberal thing after all.

Thus, liberalism always wins—even when it loses. The worse things get, the more obvious it becomes that liberalism is the only solution, because liberalism is the thing that prevents things from getting worse. If liberalism failed, it must have been because it wasn’t given a proper chance. If liberalism succeeded, then it must continue to be the guiding principle forever. And if liberalism was responsible for any of this, then it wasn’t really liberalism—because liberalism, by definition, is never responsible for bad outcomes.

Sincerely,

A Liberal of No Particular Importance

Permaservism

You can check out any time you like, but you can never leave.” The Eagles’ Hotel California was once just a cryptic allegory—rock-star excess, American decadence, or some vague sense of spiritual entrapment. But these days, it feels more like a business model. A system that isn’t quite capitalism, isn’t quite socialism, and isn’t quite feudalism, yet borrows liberally from all three. It thrives on contradictions: ownership without possession, labor without wages, freedom without exit. You don’t buy things; you subscribe to them. You don’t earn a living; you generate engagement. You don’t make choices; you navigate dark patterns designed to keep you locked in. It’s a place where the lights are always on, the services are always recurring, and the bill is always due.

Yet, because it doesn’t fit neatly into any ideological framework, it remains largely unnamed—an indeterminate economy with no official manifesto, just a series of invisible contracts you clicked “agree” on without reading. Welcome to the new system. We hope you enjoy your stay.

Tollism: The Pay-Per-Sigh Economy

Everything is metered, from roadways to breathing space. A fee lurks behind every minor convenience, and every attempt to bypass the toll incurs a greater one. Want to skip the ad? Pay. Need to avoid traffic? Pay. Want to talk to a human instead of a bot? Pay. The most mundane aspects of life now resemble a turnstile, each step forward accompanied by an invisible hand demanding a surcharge.

• Not pure capitalism: Classic capitalism is about private ownership and free exchange, but tollism thrives on artificial scarcity. You’re not paying for a good or service—you’re paying to avoid inconvenience, delay, or exclusion. It’s closer to extortion than a free market.

• Not socialism either: Socialism often critiques capitalism’s commodification of basic needs, but tollism isn’t about workers owning the means of production or redistributing wealth—it’s about leveraging every aspect of daily life as a microtransaction.

Permaservism: You’re a Medieval Peasant, but Instead of Turnips, You Pay in Engagement

You no longer own your labor outright—it’s a form of digital serfdom where your productivity is measured in likes, clicks, and impressions. Algorithms determine your sustenance, and the landlord—the platform—extracts its tithe before you even see the fruits of your labor. You work for exposure, for visibility, for relevance, but rarely for anything tangible.

• Not feudalism: In feudalism, peasants at least had land to work (even if they owed a portion to the lord). Here, workers don’t own anything—not even their own audience. The “lords” are algorithms and platforms that dictate visibility.

• Not capitalism in the classical sense: A capitalist laborer gets wages in return for work. Here, people labor endlessly—posting, streaming, commenting—hoping to be rewarded with exposure, which itself is a currency that may or may not convert into income.

Recurrism: Like a Gym Membership for Existing, but Less Rewarding

Existence itself is now a subscription model. You don’t just buy things—you enroll in them. Software, entertainment, even appliances require perpetual payments to remain functional. Forget to renew, and your world starts shutting off, like a dystopian version of a free trial expiring.

Not traditional capitalism: In classical capitalism, you buy a product and own it. Recurrism replaces ownership with indefinite leasing, making consumers permanent debtors to their own necessities.

• Not socialism either: While socialism often criticizes wealth concentration, it usually assumes that goods and services should be collectively owned or universally provided—not that they should be indefinitely rented at a profit.

Leasism: Your Entire Life Is a Rental Car with a “Please Don’t Scratch” Vibe

Ownership is passé. Your home, your car, even your furniture—all rented, all temporary, all just out of reach. This is the gig economy’s final form: not just renting out your labor, but your entire existence, where everything feels contingent on keeping your credit score above an invisible threshold. You may live here, but don’t get too comfortable.

• Not communism: In theory, communism advocates for abolishing private property in favor of collective ownership. But in leasism, private property still exists—it’s just concentrated in the hands of the few who rent it out.

• Not capitalism as classically defined: The promise of capitalism was ownership—home ownership, business ownership, asset accumulation. Leasism negates this, ensuring that assets remain perpetually just out of reach.

Ghostownershipism: You “Own” That E-Book Like Casper Owns a Timeshare

Congratulations, you “own” a movie—until the studio pulls it from your digital library. You “own” software—until they phase out support. Your books, your music, your files—everything exists in a corporate purgatory where access can be revoked at a moment’s notice. Ownership has been replaced by the illusion of access, one update away from disappearing.

Not socialism: In a socialist framework, intellectual property might be controlled by the state or made freely available. But ghostownershipism isn’t about sharing—it’s about ensuring that even when you “buy” something, you’re really just licensing it.

• Not capitalism in its traditional form: Classic capitalism thrives on ownership, but ghostownershipism relies on the illusion of ownership. It’s capitalism that refuses to give up control, ensuring that purchases never truly belong to the buyer.

Inertiarchy: Canceling Subscriptions Requires Solving a CAPTCHA from Hell

The modern economy thrives on inertia. You sign up with a click but cancel through a labyrinth. Hidden menus, endless hold times, mysterious reactivations—companies rely on the fact that most people will surrender before breaking free. Like Hotel California, you can check out anytime you like, but good luck leaving.

• Not feudalism: Feudal obligations were often lifelong, but they were at least explicit. Here, obligations are hidden behind fine print, dark patterns, and friction-filled exit routes.

• Not traditional capitalism: A functional free market assumes informed consumers who can freely choose and exit transactions. Inertiarchy thrives on preventing people from leaving.

Micropriegemony: Death by a Thousand “Premium” Upgrades

Everything comes in tiers, and the base model is intentionally unbearable. Pay extra to remove the ads, to get the features that should have been included, to make the thing you already paid for actually usable. A thousand tiny inconveniences, each with a price tag, add up to a life spent nickel-and-dimed into submission.

Not capitalism in the classical sense: Adam Smith’s capitalism presupposed that markets would produce better products at competitive prices. Micropriegemony, instead, creates intentionally inferior products so consumers feel compelled to upgrade.

• Not socialism: This isn’t about ensuring equal access to resources. If anything, it ensures the opposite—segmenting people into artificially created castes of access and privilege.

Decaylism: Planned Obsolescence, but Make It Vibes

Your phone slows down, your apps stop updating, your clothes feel unfashionable—none of this happens by accident. Products are designed to expire, not just physically but aesthetically, socially. Even ideas have an expiration date, a built-in obsolescence that forces you to chase the next iteration, lest you fall out of sync with the ever-accelerating now.

Not traditional capitalism: Capitalism encourages innovation, but decaylism encourages controlled decay—ensuring that no product, idea, or trend lasts long enough to be truly valuable.

• Not Marxism: Marx criticized capitalism for alienating workers from their labor, but decaylism alienates consumers from their purchases, ensuring that every possession, from phones to aesthetics, is designed to lose its value over time.

Fauxmunism: Join Our Wellness Collective!™

Everything is “community” now, but only in the branding sense. Workplaces, apps, brands all speak the language of collectivism while functioning as pure profit-extracting machines. You’re not an employee, you’re part of the family. You’re not a customer, you’re a valued member. It’s socialism without the redistribution, collectivism without the collective—just a warmer, fuzzier form of corporate capture.

Not actual communism: In theory, communism is about collective ownership of resources and decision-making power. Fauxmunism borrows the language of collectivism but remains thoroughly corporate, using community branding to drive profits.

• Not traditional capitalism either: It’s not about straightforward transactions but about selling the feeling of belonging, of ethical consumption, without any structural change.

Leaving the Hotel (or Trying To)

In Hotel California, the guests are drawn in by something alluring—“such a lovely place”—but soon realize they’ve entered a maze where every exit leads back inside. That’s the essence of this system: it offers just enough convenience to make you forget the cage. Why cancel when it’s only $9.99 a month? Why buy when you can lease forever? Why own when the cloud remembers for you?

And so, we remain inside, scrolling, subscribing, renewing—caught in a structure that resists definition but shapes every aspect of modern life. Not quite a market, not quite a commune, not quite a prison. Something new, something slippery, something with no clear way out.

You can check out any time you like. But can you ever leave?

This is the modern condition: a world where everything is rented, borrowed, or metered, where participation is mandatory, and where opting out requires a level of effort most people can’t afford. And yet, we lack the words to talk about it. We reach for old binaries—capitalism vs. socialism, freedom vs. control—but they no longer fit. We’re living under something new, something we haven’t yet named.

These contradictions reveal why we struggle to name our current economic condition. It isn’t traditional capitalism, because ownership and free markets have been replaced by controlled access and platform dependency. It isn’t socialism, because nothing is being equitably distributed—just repackaged in ways that create new dependencies. It isn’t feudalism, because the new lords are faceless corporations rather than landed aristocrats. And it isn’t dystopian in the way Orwell or Huxley imagined—because instead of an iron fist or a drugged-up populace, we get a system that offers just enough convenience, just enough comfort, to prevent revolt.

It’s something new, something slippery. It thrives on engagement, inertia, and a kind of synthetic scarcity. It extracts wealth without always feeling oppressive, and it controls without always feeling coercive. It operates in a space where capitalism, socialism, and feudalism overlap, but it fully belongs to none of them. Until we name it, it will continue to shape our lives unnoticed.

UBI for Goobers

Somewhere in the rotting heart of the American experiment, I found myself on a government-funded Greyhound bound for an undisclosed location—the proving grounds for Universal Basic Income. They wouldn’t tell me where I was going, only that I’d be “embedded” with the first generation of economic refuseniks: the Goobers. A new class of citizen, neither working nor unemployed, fueled entirely by state-sanctioned sloth.

The bus smelled like vape juice and microwaved pizza rolls. My seatmate, a 32-year-old man named Trent, had been awake for 46 hours. “The economy was rigged, man,” he told me between handfuls of Flamin’ Hot Cheetos. “So I opted out.” His plan? “I’m gonna start a podcast. Probably about Batman.” He passed out mid-sentence, mouth open, flecks of orange dust coating his hoodie.

We arrived at what had once been a mid-sized American city—abandoned strip malls, a skyline of billboards advertising gaming chairs and energy drinks. A banner hung across the main drag:

WELCOME TO THE GOOBERVERSE.

The town square was empty, the workforce decimated. At the local gas station, I met Trevor, a 29-year-old “crypto visionary” who hadn’t held a job since Arby’s fired him in 2018. “It’s sick, bro,” he told me, cracking open a Bang Energy and adjusting his Naruto headband. “I finally have time to focus on my content.”

His content? Reviewing every Dorito flavor ever made. He’s up to 43 videos and counting.

Down the road, a cohort of similarly liberated souls were gathered in an abandoned Circuit City parking lot, trading Pokémon cards and debating whether artificial intelligence could replace their weed dealer. “Work is a scam, man,” one of them said between coughs. “Andrew Yang saw the truth.” The others nodded solemnly.

My government contact, a nervous intern from the Department of Economic Experiments, handed me a pamphlet: UBI and You: A Guide to Maximizing Your Monthly Stipend. Inside were budget breakdowns that included “Essential Gaming Peripherals” and “Crypto Ventures (HIGH-RISK).” It was clear that whatever brain trust had designed this program had vastly overestimated the ambition of its recipients.

Down at the municipal complex—now repurposed into a 24-hour streaming facility—I met Derek, who had quit his job at a car wash six months ago. “I used to work 40 hours a week to barely afford rent,” he said, adjusting his VR headset. “Now I make content.” What kind of content? “Reaction videos.” Reaction to what? “Mostly other reaction videos.”

A few doors down, I met Lindsey, who had invested her entire stipend into custom Funko Pops of herself. “They’re limited edition,” she explained, holding one up. “This one’s me as a witch.” She didn’t seem to be selling them—just amassing an army of plastic clones.

At a makeshift town hall, a council of senior goobers convened to discuss “important matters.” The agenda included a debate on whether Taco Bell should be considered a public utility and a proposal to make Wednesday an official “Rest Day” (on top of the existing “No Work Mondays” and “Self-Care Fridays”). One man—draped in a Snuggie like some kind of stoner warlord—stood up to demand that the government subsidize anime merch. The motion passed without opposition.

Somewhere in the distance, a mountain of empty Mountain Dew cans shifted in the wind. The sun was setting over a civilization held together by Discord servers and expired Hot Pockets.

And I had the sinking feeling that this was only the beginning.

I followed the scent of burnt popcorn and Axe body spray to what appeared to be a makeshift UBI housing co-op—formerly a Red Roof Inn, now rebranded as The Creator Compound. The sign out front was hand-painted, the last two letters dripping as if the artist had been overtaken by the gravity of their own work—or perhaps just ran out of Monster Energy.

Inside, the lobby had been stripped of furniture and repurposed into a “collaborative workspace.” Every available surface was covered in gaming laptops, half-eaten bowls of ramen, and sticky game controllers. A young man in a bathrobe, Skyler, was slouched in a beanbag chair, deeply engrossed in a match of Fortnite. His stipend had allowed him to achieve a higher plane of existence—one in which pants were a relic of the oppressive capitalist machine.

“I’m finally free, man,” he said, eyes never leaving the screen. “The grindset is over. The vibes remain.”

Across the room, a pair of former DoorDash drivers were arguing about whether starting a “government-funded LAN party commune” violated the terms of their stipend. One of them, a man known only as “Skoob”, insisted that UBI was “the real-life version of passive income.”

“Money just shows up, bro,” he said, leaning back in his chair. “Like a respawn. Except the government is God, and God wants me to get really, really good at speedrunning Elden Ring.”

In a corner, an aspiring NFT mogul named Chet was furiously refreshing his phone, waiting for his latest project—“Goober Goblins”—to take off. “The problem is,” he explained, “nobody understands my vision.” I asked what the vision was. He stared at me, slack-jawed. “Uh. It’s like… goblins? But also, like, kinda vibing?”

Upstairs, the hallways were dimly lit, illuminated only by the glow of gaming monitors and anime posters. A feral-looking man in a bathrobe and compression socks stepped out of a room marked “Content House West” and blinked at me as if I had just emerged from the astral plane.

“Who sent you?” he asked.

I told him I was a journalist. He exhaled deeply. “Oh. Thought you were my Discord mod. I haven’t uploaded in a week.”

His name was Dustin, and he was a former “entrepreneur” whose startup—some kind of app that “optimized vibes”—had collapsed after his entire development team disappeared into the woods to find themselves. Now, thanks to UBI, he had pivoted to streaming conspiracy theories, specializing in the theory that Thomas Edison faked the moon landing.

“The lightbulb was just phase one,” he muttered, taking a sip from a novelty-sized Gatorade. “They don’t want you to know.”

Further down the hall, I encountered Kaylee, a self-described “Etsy Witch” who had spent the past three months using her stipend to collect vintage McDonald’s toys and “recharge her psychic energy.” She had a backlog of nearly 500 unshipped orders but assured me that “capitalism is an illusion, and these customers are, like, just experiencing my journey.”

Meanwhile, a man named Bryce was “investing” his stipend in professional wrestling lessons, determined to become the world’s first UBI-funded luchador. His finishing move? “The Direct Deposit.”

Outside, in what had once been the hotel’s parking lot but was now a 24/7 hacky sack tournament, I met Dev, a former IT guy turned professional YikYak philosopher, who was currently writing a manifesto on the blockchain.

“What’s it about?” I asked.

He stared at me, took a long pull from his vape, and exhaled.

“Money’s not even real, bro.”

At that moment, someone in the distance screamed, “DOORDASH IS HERE,” and a stampede of bathrobe-clad goobers erupted from the building.

The Goober Economy was in full swing. And I had the sinking feeling that the future belonged to them.

<>

It hit me in the dead hours, that peculiar cocktail of nicotine and existential dread, that the fat cats in Congress had found a way out—an escape hatch from the Herculean mess of developing a real, robust economy. Instead of wrestling with the monster of an entrenched tax system designed to rebalance an oligarchy, they’d discovered the UBI loophole: just print a check and call it “economic justice.”

I sat in the dim light of The Creator Compound, my eyes red as the fading neon of an abandoned strip mall, and began to see the grand scheme. The powers-that-be, with their tailored suits and indolent smirks, preferred the simplicity of a monthly cash infusion into the slack-jawed masses over the messy, unpredictable business of genuine reform. Reform? Ha! The idea that they might alter a tax code that lined their pockets like a well-oiled money machine was as laughable as expecting a cat to pay rent.

Everywhere I looked, goobers were marching to the steady beat of government checks—content with the crumbs while the real architects of wealth played chess in the corridors of power. Down on the street, a disheveled philosopher in a threadbare Supreme hoodie pontificated to his Discord followers:

“Why bother with revolution when you can just let the state fund your binge-watching and gaming?” he slurred, as if that were some kind of enlightened truth.

It was as if Congress had said, “Why risk a tax revolt or challenge the oligarchic order when we can simply buy your loyalty with a direct deposit?” And buy they did. With every check mailed, they solidified a docile underclass, a generation too busy streaming their lives to notice the slow strangulation of opportunity. No more messy debates about wealth redistribution or fixing a rigged economy—just an endless supply of digital dimes to keep you zoned out and plugged in.

I couldn’t help but think of the irony: a nation once defined by its scrappy, entrepreneurial spirit, now being pacified with a system that rewarded inertia. The establishment had traded in the promise of progress for a permanent pause—a government-sponsored coma induced by the comfort of a monthly stipend. In the halls of Congress, behind mahogany desks and piles of lobbyist donations, they chuckled at the simplicity of it all. It was easier to hand out checks than to tear apart the centuries-old tax code that safeguarded the interests of the wealthy elite.

As the night deepened and I roamed among clusters of UBI-fueled goobers—each one a living testament to America’s descent into convenient mediocrity—I saw the reflection of a society that had willingly surrendered its rebellious spark. The revolution wasn’t coming in the form of angry mobs or tear gas; it was arriving softly, like a lullaby sung by those too comfortably numb to notice the slow collapse of their own potential.

In that grim realization, I recognized the ultimate tragedy: the very mechanism designed to rescue the downtrodden was, in fact, a tool of mass pacification. Congress had discovered that the easiest way to quell dissent wasn’t by addressing the real rot in the system but by subsidizing the sedative of modern existence. And as I lit one more cigarette, watching the absurd parade of content creators and self-proclaimed visionaries drift by, the bitter truth settled over me like the smoke in the stale air of that forsaken compound.

This wasn’t progress. It was the elegant resignation of a society that had decided that comfort was preferable to the chaos of true change. And somewhere, in the back rooms of Capitol Hill, the strategists smiled—knowing full well that while the world outside continued to deteriorate, their chosen solution was as effortless as it was damning.

It was even worse. It was cheaper to pay UBI than to have them overdosed on fentanyl—cheaper, by a mile, than keeping the Seventh Fleet afloat on an endless patrol of aimless seas, or funding a full-scale opioid antidote program in America’s rust-belt nightmares. The fat cats in Congress had finally found their silver bullet: instead of wrestling with a tax system designed to rein in the oligarchy, they’d discovered that handing out monthly government checks was the ultimate sedative.

In the dim haze of that forsaken compound, I realized that the establishment had mastered the art of pacification. Instead of investing in expensive public health initiatives or propping up an overburdened military apparatus, they had simply printed cash. It was cheaper to dole out UBI than to launch an expensive public safety campaign, or to repair crumbling bridges and highways—much less to subsidize the ceaseless parade of overdoses ripping through our forgotten towns.

The absurdity wasn’t lost on me. The same folks who spent billions keeping naval fleets afloat and patching up failing infrastructure now shrugged as they approved budgets for “direct deposits.” In their sterile boardrooms, they compared notes with the casual cynicism of gamblers: Why fund a fleet of warships when you can fund a fleet of couch-bound content creators? Why pour money into sophisticated harm-reduction programs when you can simply replace despair with a steady trickle of government cash?

Somewhere deep within Capitol Hill, beneath the clamor of lobbyists and the scent of expensive scotch, these bureaucratic alchemists chuckled at their own brilliance. They realized that it was far cheaper—by an almost obscene margin—to keep the goobers sedated on a monthly stipend than to confront the messy, expensive business of real reform. The price tag on freedom from addiction and societal decay had been slashed to a government check, while costly dreams of rebalancing an economy steeped in oligarchic greed were quietly abandoned.

As I sat there, surrounded by the neon glow of half-remembered ambitions and the constant hum of digital distractions, the bizarre truth became undeniable: our society had found a way to buy passivity. And it was cheaper than almost any alternative—a fiscal miracle for those who preferred a sedated, socially engineered hothouse of modern mediocrity over the unpredictable chaos of genuine human potential.

It was still way way worse than I thought. Much worse. The foundation for this whole circus of largesse wasn’t some noble Keynesian fever dream or the bleeding heart of a desperate government trying to keep the ship from sinking. No, the real magic trick—the sick, dazzling sleight of hand—was that UBI wasn’t paid in dollars at all. It was paid in crypto.

And not just any crypto. No blue-chip Bitcoin, no sensible stablecoin tethered to anything real. No, every goober got their own custom memecoin, minted straight from the bowels of some algorithmic financial wizardry, a digital scrip backed not by gold, nor labor, nor even the rotting husk of American manufacturing, but by the full faith and credit of a system designed to swindle them blind.

And here’s where it got really diabolical: the bags were guaranteed by the Treasury and the Federal Reserve. Every single one of these government-issued clown tokens—GoobCoin, SlackBuck, Stimulus Stonk, whatever brand name they came up with—was insured by the same people who used to pretend they cared about fiscal responsibility. It was, in effect, a rigged game where Congress had positioned itself as the ultimate bag-holder, except they weren’t losing money. They were making it.

Because once you guarantee something with taxpayer money, the smart money steps in. The hedge funds, the investment banks, the insider traders—all of them sniffed the game immediately. They knew these goobers weren’t going to hold onto their coins. No, they’d be cashing out their digital scrip for rent money, vape juice, and the latest subscription service designed to keep them docile. And that’s when the big boys swooped in, bought up the dumped coins at a fraction of their worth, pumped the market with carefully coordinated hype, and cashed out before the goobers even realized they’d been turned into liquidity providers for the same ruling class that had abandoned them in the first place.

Congress, in its infinite depravity, had found the holy grail: a perpetual motion machine of economic exploitation. Every goober wasn’t just a recipient of UBI—they were an asset, a walking, talking memecoin that could be manipulated, pumped, and dumped at will. The whole system was a new-age, high-frequency trading scam dressed up as progressive policy. And the real joke? The goobers loved it.

I saw them in the compound, eyes glued to their screens, watching their net worths skyrocket for thirty glorious seconds before crashing into oblivion. They called it “playing the market,” as if they were captains of industry and not just ballast for a yacht they’d never be allowed to board. One particularly glassy-eyed influencer, wearing a hoodie emblazoned with “HODL OR DIE”, grinned at me and said, “Bro, my UBI bag just 10x’d overnight.”

And it had. For a brief, shimmering moment, he was a king. Then the market corrected, and he was back to where he started. Or lower. It didn’t matter. The cycle would begin again next month.

Meanwhile, the suits in Washington, those degenerate swamp creatures who had engineered this digital casino, cashed out their gains, patting each other on the back for having finally solved the age-old problem of poverty: not by eliminating it, but by turning it into just another asset class.

The Great American Firewall

San Francisco, 2025. Up in the Hills, the Masters of the Universe are slumped in Herman Miller chairs, IV-dripping horse tranquilizers straight into their overclocked nervous systems. Ketamine—the official drug of the techno-aristocracy—keeps the existential dread at bay, smooths out the jagged edges of a collapsing world. One minute they’re at a fireside chat mumbling about “democratizing innovation,” the next they’re drooling into a Patagonia fleece while their brains take a scenic detour through the void. Every other venture fund has a “longevity” startup now, some new-age alchemy promising to stretch their miserable existences past the point of relevance. Not that it matters—there’s no product roadmap for obsolescence. A hundred AI startups fighting to replace each other, a thousand identical crypto schemes still chasing last decade’s dragon. It’s all just another bubble, another high, another illusion that reality can be patched with a software update.

Elsewhere, in the corridors of Washington, the air reeks of bourbon, burning money, and the desperate sweat of bureaucracy watching their golden age circle the drain. In D.C., the suits are cackling like hyenas on a mescaline binge, slashing corporate taxes while waving the Stars and Stripes like a bloody matador’s cape. “Freedom! Markets! Democracy!” they scream, as Apple stashes billions offshore and Amazon dodges the IRS like a tweaker evading a court summons. In between horse tranquiliser microdosing the Tech Edgelords are drunk on their own supply, cheering on the deregulation stampede without realizing that everything making their global empires possible is now on the chopping block. Trade agreements, diplomatic muscle, military-backed stability—all those tedious “big government” interventions they love to hate are the only reason they can ship iPhones to Jakarta and sell ad data in Frankfurt.

The Horse tranquilizer is having its effects. Meanwhile, the real play is happening in the shadows—where a new breed of Edgelords, crypto-fascists, and hollow-eyed libertarian cultists are busy laying the foundation for America’s own Great Firewall. They won’t call it that, of course. They’ll dress it up in the usual flag-waving bullshit—“Protecting American innovation!” “Fighting foreign influence!” “Defending free speech by banning the bad guys!”—but the result will be the same. The land of the free is about to seal itself off from the world like a dying animal crawling under the porch to rot in peace. First, it was TikTok—too much data heading to Beijing, too many kids dancing in ways that made the Heritage Foundation nervous. Then came the crackdowns on foreign semiconductors, software, financial exchanges. “National security!” they shrieked, as if the real danger to America wasn’t its own leaders strip-mining the country like it was a liquidation sale.

The Roman Empire Retvrn LARP morphing into Andrew Jackson Americana LARP is pure schizophrenia. It’s like trying to cosplay both Caesar and the barefoot, mud-streaked rebel fighting imperial overreach—two contradictory fantasies jammed into the same national hard drive. One exalts global dominance, military expansion, and an iron grip on trade routes. The other spits on foreign entanglements, shrieks about sovereignty, and fetishizes an America that never actually existed. You can’t be both the empire and the plucky underdog at the same time, but that doesn’t stop the system from trying to execute mutually exclusive political processes in parallel while sharing the same memory space. No amount of error handling can resolve this architectural contradiction—it’s a corrupted program running a loop until the hardware melts down.

And now? The walls are going up. Trade barriers disguised as patriotism. Visa restrictions under the banner of sovereignty. Silicon Valley, once a global hub of innovation, now reduced to a gated community where failing startups suckle at defense contracts and pretend they still run the world. The same Edgelords who built their fortunes on open markets, open networks, open access are now welding the gates shut, convinced they can lock the rest of the world out and still keep raking in cash. But that’s not how this works.

The United States is about to do something truly remarkable—it’s going to disappear behind its own Great Wall, just like China did centuries ago when it decided it had nothing left to learn from the world. Once upon a time, the Middle Kingdom was the global superpower, sitting on an economy so vast and advanced that it saw no need to trade with the barbarians beyond its borders. And then? The world moved on without it. The British showed up with steamships, opium, and gunboat diplomacy, and suddenly the empire that thought it could wall itself off was being forcibly reopened at cannon-point.

The same thing is happening now, but slower. Instead of gunboats, it’ll be supply chains shifting, economies decoupling, the slow but inevitable realization that the rest of the world doesn’t need America nearly as much as America needs the rest of the world. Europe won’t ditch the U.S. overnight—they’ll still wear Levi’s and drink Starbucks—but little by little, they’ll start buying EVs from BYD, shopping on Temu, and hedging their bets with a global market that doesn’t begin and end with Wall Street. The tech trade will fragment. The dollar’s grip will loosen. And one day, America will wake up behind its firewall and realize it’s been left out of the future, reduced to a decaying theme park of its former self, hooting about sovereignty while the real economic action happens somewhere else. The U.S. could stop this, of course. Fix the tax racket. Reinvest in alliances. Play the long game. But that requires a government that still believes in strategy rather than short-term stock bumps. If the spiral continues, don’t be surprised when the U.S. slips behind China, Europe, and—just to rub it in—California, the world’s fourth-largest economy, watching the rest of the country from across a firewall of its own design. Buy the ticket, take the ride.

The Great American Firewall is coming. And when the last fiber optic cable is cut, when the last backdoor is sealed, when the last dollar of foreign investment shrugs and moves on, the final joke will be revealed: the so-called defenders of “economic freedom” will have walled themselves off from the only thing keeping them alive. The rest of the world will watch, shake their heads, and move on. Buy the ticket, take the ride.